NOTES and References

1. Chomsky (1994) p 271

2. The 'South Commission' comprised of scientists, economists, government planners and religious leaders from 26 countries representing all the continents of the South (i.e the 'developing world'). The Commission was formally set-up in 1987 on the initiative of Mahatir Mohammed, the Prime Minister of Malaysia who came to Dare-Salam to meet Julius K Nyerere, the ex-president of Tanzania and announced in the summit of non-aligned movement, held in Harare in 1986, the intention to establish 'South Commission' under Nyerere's chairmanship. Dr Man Mohan Singh who later became the finance minister of India to initiate pro-market 'reforms', was the Commission's general secretary. The Commission in its final publication noted 'the issue for the South is not whether to cut its links with the North, but how to transform them. The relationship must be changed from exploitation to shared benefit, from subordination to partnership' see South Commission (1990), pp 211-12

3. See for example Paul Dibb (1995) p 6. Granted that material resources are a means to power and position, the point that needs to be worked out in some more depth is what do those ---individuals or nations--- seeking power and dominance ultimately aspire for? What is the ultimate objective they want to achieve? The Noble Quran introduces Pharoah as an epitome of overwhelming political power and lust for dominance. At the height of his power Pharoah calls his people and proclaims 'Am I not your Lord, most High' (Quran: 79:23-24). At another place he again proclaims among his people 'O my people, does not the dominion of Egypt belong to me, (witness) these streams flowing underneath my palace" (43:51). It appears as if the ultimate objective of those seeking dominance is to have the intoxicating feeling of absolute powerfulness, of absolute control over their domains. May be this intoxication is the ultimate 'prize' that the dominance-seekers aspire for, more than the real power and control that they actually happen to possess.

4. See 'The International Order---Situation, Mission, Execution', The Economist

Dec 24,1994 - Jan 6, 1995 pp17-20.

The Economist generally regarded as an authentic source reflecting the West's mindset, builds up a 'strong' case for 'spreading democracy' giving a host of 'reasons' which it calls 'solid reasons' and on the basis of which it concludes: ...'that non-imperialist project, the spreading of empire of democracy, will remain on Western agenda'.

An important point needs to be made about the spread of democracy by the West. It is often said that West has no commitment to democracy, it is just a matter of interest; West supports democracy where it suits it, and opposes the same where it does not. I do not believe it to be true and I hold that West has a commitment as well as a fanatic zeal for democracy, but what the West means by democracy needs to be properly understood. Secularism, which is at the root of democracy, is essentially a creed of denial. For a secular man what is denied is a matter of principle, what is asserted is a matter of tactic. Democracy denies the rule of the Divine; instead it asserts the rule of the people. In the meaning of democracy the component of denial is a matter of principle for the secular man; that of assertion a matter of tactic. By this logic, in the case of Muslim world, West's commitment to democracy means denying Islam any and every chance to rule. This being the component of denial, i.e Islam will not rule, West is in principle committed to it. As to the component of assertion, i.e who will rule, who will displace Islam and keep it from ruling--- a people's government or a king's regime, it is just a matter of what suits West's interest at a particular time. In the case of non-Muslim societies democracy as a principle has no 'meaning' for the West. The cardinal principle of democracy--- denying the rule of the Divine--- does not apply there. It then remains the question of pure interest whether to support peoples' elected governments or other types of regimes.

5. See Chomsky (op cit) p179.

6. G-71/2 is Flora Lewis's coinage. See Lewis (1991-2) pp 25-40.

7. See Kirton (1993) p 337. This is a well argued-out discussion about gradual emergence of G-7 as the main institution for managing the global political and security agenda.

8. See Lewis (op cit) pp 25-26, also cited in Kirton (op cit) p 337. The main thing to be understood here, is, that although G-7 does not pass binding resolutions as the U.N Security Council does, yet it, i.e G-7 does something more fundamental. As Kirton argues, it takes the lead in international agenda-setting by immediately taking up and giving prominence to new issues, defining them, establishing new issue areas by legitimising linkages (for example trade and environment). Thus, for example, 'terrorism' came up as a 'new issue' in 1980 after the revolutionary take over of U.S embassy in Tehran, and from 1990 East-West relations disappeared and transformation of international order became the focus. It is after the 'issues' have been established in the first place, the U.N Security Council takes up the matter of resolutions, sanctions and other types of actions.

9. For a fuller discussion of these issues see Dewit, D. et al (eds) (1993)

10. See Peter Ackerman (1993) pp 34-35

11. See M.K Zuckerman 'U.S administration labels cybersecurity plan 'urgent'' The Times of India, New Delhi, July 23, 1996

12. According to The Economist (op cit): "The World of 1990s still contains plenty of non-democratic governments, but except in the murkier corners of Islam it contains very few people seriously willing to argue that democracy is not the most satisfactory way of running a country." p 18

13. See Rotfeld (1995) pp.3-4

14. See Kirton (op cit) p354. Kirton has classified security agenda of post-45 international order into what he calls old, new and emerging security threats. About new and emerging threats he says that they are non-military in character in the sense that armed force plays a minimal role. About emerging threats he makes an interesting observation: they currently constitute a threat not to human life itself but to other national values (e.g economic prosperity, international competitiveness, plant and animal life, historic, social and linguistic balances)' p 341

15. Henry Kissinger (1994) p 809

16. Kirton (op cit) has enumerated four concert characteristics and he says G-7 has all of them. This he says has 'increased its institutional depth, policy breadth and authoritative reach.' p 355

17. Flora Lewis (op cit), says this about G-71/2 , p 26

18. Kissinger (op cit) p 23

19. Bill Clinton's UN speech on Sept 27, 1993. Cited in Ibid p 805

20. See Stuart and Row (1995) p 12

21. Anthony Lake, National Security adviser to Clinton, articulating more clearly Clinton's 'enlargement' concept. Cited in Ibid p 12

22. George Bush's UN speech on Oct 1, 1990. Cited in Kissinger (op cit) p 804

23. Ibid

24. Stuart and Row (op cit) pp 12-13

25. Recently G-7 issued a 25-point program to combat 'terrorism'.

26. See John Hooper 'Europe fishes in the Mediterranean'. The Guardian Nov 25, 1996

27. Spanish vice-president of the European Commission, Manuel Marin, talking to John Hooper of The Guardian. Cited in Ibid.

28. For the full deliberations of the conference see Conference Papers (1993) Part I and II.

29. See for example, Acharya (1993), Dannreuther (1994), Nevers (1994),

Sasae (1994),Thayer (1995), (in addition to other IISS papers cited elsewhere in this study).

30. This is Paul Dibb's proposal. See Dibb (op cit) p.6 Prof. Paul Dibb is Head of the Strategic and Defence Studies Centre in the Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies at the Australian National University, Canberra.

31. Paul Dibb has specified the major powers to emerge in the Asian regional order, but middle powers to participate in the system, he has left unspecified. However in the region 'Asia' under his consideration he has classified various powers as Great, Middle and Small powers. India is classified as great, Pakistan as middle and Sri Lanka as small. See Dibb (op cit) p.74 fn 6 to 'Introduction'.

From what was said at (1.2.2) above, one can safely assume that the middle powers to participate as active players in the Asian international system need to be 'market democracies' which in substance means their being believers in the religion of money and their having a strong will to fight Islam at all costs.

32. Kissinger (op cit) p 21

33. Ibid. p 21

34. Stuart & Row (op cit) p 27

35. Dibb (op cit) p 52

36. Ibid p 34

37. Ibid p 71

38. Kissinger (op cit) p 826

39. Ibid p 806, also Ackerman (op cit) p 32. Ackerman has given a concise but very insightful analysis of the relation between economic and security issues and has convincingly shown why economic and security policies defy integration.

40. The U.S Secretary of State Warren Christopher said on 17th Nov 1993 in Seattle, Washington, "Asia has asked us to remain engaged in the region, and we will do so. But for the American people to appreciate the benefits of such an engagement, Asia's markets must be opened to our goods and services.' See Dibb (op cit) fn 48 to Ch.IV

41. China and Russia along with Kazakhistan recently concluded an agreement to jointly contain Islam in the region. Behind the considerable thaw in Sino-Indian relations containing Islam is the key element, as this thaw, significantly, followed improved Indo-U.S relations. This significance has been noted by Raju Thomas (1993) pp 12-13.

42. See Dibb (op cit) p 53

43. Gupta (1995) fn 7 to Ch. 1

44. Jeff Choudry 'India: Too Big to Ignore' Proffessional Investor Aug.1996 pp 14-17.

45. Ibid

46. Gupta (op cit) p 60

47. Ramesh Chandran 'Anti-India Dan Burton Amendment is defeated' The Times of India, New Delhi June 7, 1996

48. The Economist, July 6 -12, 1996 'Ship me somewhere East of Wapping.' p.90.

49. Gupta (op cit) fn 6 to Ch. 1

50. Choudry (op cit) p 19

51. Damani's Interview of May, 1996 in Professional Investor Aug 1, 1996 p.18

52. Gupta (op cit) p 12 and fn 9 to Ch. 1

53. Ibid p 13

54. Ramesh Chandran (op cit). Chandran was reporting on the defeat of an 'anti-India' bill brought fourth by Indiana Republican Dan Burton on 5th June seeking a cut in U.S aid to India because of the human rights violations in Kashmir. As Chandran reported 'the voting was conspicuous with the spirited lobbying by some top corporate houses in America.'

55. See The Economist (op cit). 'Ship me....'

56. Ibid

57. BBC Radio broadcast. Friday, August 16th program 'Connections'

58. BBC Radio broadcast. Friday, August 28th program 'Connections'

59. Cohen (1993) p 92

60. See Dibb (op cit) p 34, Kissinger (op cit) p 26, Thomas (1993a) p 71

61. 'U.S 'committed' to stable ties with India.' The Hindustan Times, New Delhi,

May 18, 1996

62. See 'Special Survey: India And the European Union. 'India Today, June 30,1996 p97

63. Commenting on a proposed position paper EC was preparing about India, special secretary, external relations, external affairs ministry of India and till March India's ambassador to EU in Brussels A N Ram said 'The idea of this paper is to bring India into the European scheme of things'. See Ibid p 99

Indian strategic community has always been for deepening of defence relations with U.S. They have been working out how 'best' to serve the oppressive order. Take for example these thoughts: 'Located east of Iran, West of China and South of Central Asia and Afghan region, India is a nation in which the West should have vital stakes' see Gupta (op cit) p 65

64. John Cherian ' The American Agenda: The visits by William Perry and Ronald Brown.' Frontline Feb 10, 1995 p 120

65. Reported by Atul Aneja 'Pact with U.S opens door for Global Role.'

The Hindu New Delhi, Jan 31, 1995

66. John Cherian (op cit)

67. This is former Indian foreign secretary M Rasgotra commenting on U.S defence secretary's visit. See M Rasgotra 'Security, environment--- India's vital interests' The Hindustan Times New Delhi, Jan 23, 1995

68. See Indian Ambassador to Geneva Conference on Disarmament (CD) Arundhati Ghose's statement at the CD plenary 'India's stand on CTBT.' The Times of India New Delhi , June 21, 1996

Earlier, on June 12, the leading Indian defence analyst K Subrahmanyam had rather frankly suggested that India should come out with the real reason i.e national security for not signing the CTBT. This, he said was the real reason behind not signing the NPT also. Quite interestingly, Subrahmanyam opined that there is an influential section in U.S who are opposed to CTBT 'and it is not unlikely that they would like to wreck the treaty if they can make India a convenient scapegoat.' See K Subrahmanyam

'Banning Nuclear Tests: Hard decisions in the making.' The Times of India, New Delhi June 12, 1996

69. First Leader 'Moment of truth' The Times of India, June 21, 1996

70. Thomas while analysing India's new security enviroment:

"The most important change has been the emergence of a new but as yet vague 'Islamic threat'--- an indeterminate complex mix of 'external', 'internal', and 'transnational' threats. The main external component of the Islamic threat remains the Pakistani military capabilities which may be augmented by arms transfers from other Muslim states in west Asia. To this may be added the internal 'Islamic threat' which stems from India's increasing inability to manage Hindu-Muslim communal conflict within the country. The spread of vociferous Islamic fundamentalist politics from various parts of Muslim world to India's 120 million Muslims constitutes rising transnational threat contributing to the potential instability of the Indian state." Thomas (op cit) p 67

71. Gupta (op cit) p 60

72. Dibb (op cit) p 71

73. Cited in William Chapin (1967) p 4

74. Harvey Stockwin 'ASEAN ministerial meeting begins today.' The Times of India, New Delhi, July 16, 1996.

75. Satu P Limaye 'Indo-U.S security ties.' The Hindu Feb 4, 1995

76. Thomas (op cit) p 69

77. See for example Dibb (op cit) p 34

78. Gupta (op cit) pp 38,50,58, Heisbourg (1993) p 126, Thomas (op cit) p 71, Thomas (1993) p 3

79. Dibb (op cit) p 34

80. Heisbourg (op cit) p 126

81. Ibid p 126

82. Gupta (op cit) p 48

83. Cohen (op cit) p 92

84. The importance of this debate has to be seen in this background that already there is a visible change in India's defence-spending priorities. With a rapid and consistent rise from 1985 to 1989 the defence spending was 'slashed mercilessly' in the following four years.' The reasons were many. For example, budgetary constraints or Soviet-Union's collapse, but the main reason seems to have been that of change in security perceptions. In the short and medium term the threats to Indian security are perceived to be internal. As to its wider/global role India wants to maintain a 'suitable' level of power projections. That is why the budgetary constraints did not affect the Indian missile program. See Gupta (op cit) pp 38 - 43 and also all the works cited in fn 78 above for threats to India's 'security' being internal.

85. This point has been discussed in some detail in Andrabi (1992). It has been argued that the Hindu elites eyed on Kashmir well before 1947 and they intended to turn Kashmir into a powerful weapon in their arsenal to undermine their regional rival Pakistan after 1947. See pp 30-37

86. See for example Jones (1986) p 180

87. 'Mother India' is Vivekanand's term. Vivekananda is considered and portrayed in Indian history books as an enlightened thinker and his 'greatness' is mainly seen in his having been invited to 1893 Chicago parliament of Religions. In a 'famous' address at Lahore (now in Pakistan) in 1897 he said 'For the next 50 years that alone should be our keynote, our Mother India. Let all other vain gods vanish for the time from our minds. This is the only God.' cited in Dr Nitish Sengupta 'A Century after Chicago.' The Hindustan Times, New Delhi, Feb 14, 1993.

Loyal to the heritage, a hundred years later the president of India Dr Shankar Dayal Sharma while speaking at a statue-unveiling ceremony of Vivekananda on August 1, 1993 in the western Indian city of Poona 'appealed to the people to worship India as a God'. See Swapan Dasgupta 'Divine Discomfort-- Extricating The Soul from India'. The Times of India, August 4, 1993.

88. Stephen Cohen (op cit) p 85 makes almost a similar point when he says that Pakistan is considered by most Indians as an unfortunate fact of life. With such a perception, Cohen very rightly argues that 'India-Pakistan relations are quite unlike relations between most other states.'

89. See Jones (op cit) p 176 for an interesting argument that Indian mind for almost the first and half decade after independence remained so much preoccupied with the stability and integrity of India that even foreign policy was used to serve this purpose. The principles of non-alignment, self-reliance, democratic socialism etc. etc. were used basically with the view: to contain the internal Indian divisions and factors of 'instability'.

90. The present Indian government (United Front government) is first of its kind--- a coalition of regional parties. This was made possible by Congress support and Bharitiya Janata Party's (BJP) 'silence' (a gesture that they are not going to immediately dislodge it). It seems to me that putting this coalition into power is an exercise to relieve the pressures on Indian State that were building up for quite some time due to the political assertion of deprived sections, particularly Dalits. This arrangement will be 'stabilising' for Indian State for two reasons: one, the UF leaders with genuine concerns for their communities or regions will cultivate a 'national' outlook, according to which they like other 'national leaders' will consider the disappearance of Pakistan more important than the upliftment of their deprived fellow beings who they represented; second, it is an exercise in decentralisation---although more apparent than real--- and this was long considered to be important for 'solving the problems of internal security,' as, for example, professor Thomas had suggested (see Thomas (1993a) p 81)

91. For a very insightful description of such social changes as reflected in India's 1996 General elections see C P Bhambri 'National Government: Pancea or Deadlock?' The Pioneer New Delhi June 7, 1996

92. Gandhi repeatedly emphasised that for him independence meant 'Ram Rajya'.

See Ghandhi (1981) p 80. In fact Ghandhi had started the struggle for independence 'to establish Ram Rajya' Ghandhi (1971) p 72. Ghandhi went on saying that in modern times the first two Caliphs of Islam Abu Bakr and Umar also had successfully established Ram Rajya. Ghandhi (1967) p 558

93. Gupta (op cit) pp 25,35-39

94. Ibid p 63

95. Ibid p 63

96. Nirmala George 'India adopts proactive stance towards Pakistan' The Indian Express New Delhi July 5, 1996

97. Bhabani sen Gupta 'A new Style, A new Substance'

The Hindustan Times July 15, 1996

98. Nirmala George (op cit)

99. Ibid . See also Shekhar Gupta 'Prescriptions of a Hawk: How India can Win its Cold War.' The Indian Express, August 1, 1996. Gupta shows an awareness of Pakistan's fears that in the new market-democratic India 'Pakistan can be treated as a distraction rather than the focus of its foreign policy.'

100. BBC Radio broadcast. September 9, 1996. Program 'Connections'

101. Gupta (1995) p 62

102. Sikkim lies in the north-east of India. It was under British control from 1861 to 1947 and then an Indian Protectorate and ultimately was made an Indian state from 1975.

103. Gupta (op cit) p 57

104. It is not that India has ignored the importance of Pakistan in the past with regards to the solution of Kashmir. It has always realised Pakistan's key importance but all its efforts were directed at making Pakistan more and more irrelevant in the Kashmir dispute. 1971 dismantling of Pakistan, among other things, was an important practical step towards that end.

105. For a fuller account of this point see Andrabi (1996)

106. Mohammed Malick 'U.S evolves plan for peace in S Asia'

The Indian Express New Delhi July 3, 1996

107. U.S Ambassador to India Frank Wisner while talking to media persons in Islamabad on July 12, 1996 denied that Stephen Cohen's was a U.S government plan. However he 'admitted' having 'read' Cohen's proposals in newspapers. See The Daily Jang, London July 13, 1996

108. Dibb (op cit) p 34

109. Cohen (op cit) p 34

110. John Cherian (op cit)

111. Bhabani sen Gupta 'Kashmir--Room for Dialogue.'

The Hindustan Times Jan 27, 1994

112. This is Bhabani sen Gupta's comment who was himself present in the meeting as a participant from India. see Ibid

113. For a detailed account of India's rigidity in the early years of Kashmir tangle see Saifuddin Khaled (1994)

114. See Syed M I Andrabi 'Identifying Encroachments on Islam' Part 3,

Greater Kashmir, Srinagar July 17, 1994

115. See M Rasgotra (op cit) and also Bhabani sen Gupta 'Neighbours' neighbours' The Hindustan Times New Delhi June 24, 1993

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